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Late Qing China: Reform and Rebellion (1898 -1900)
Qing (Ch'ing) Government and Society: Background
At the top of the Qing dynasty was the Emperor with absolute power. His rule was assisted by the traditional Six Boards. Over the provinces there were the governor-generals (administering more than one province), governors ( administering one province), military commanders, and circuit intendants. Their duties and powers overlapped one another's. In this way, no official, whether in the provinces or at the capital, could enjoy independent political power.
The smallest administrative unit was the county (hsien), governed by a district magistrate (Chih-hsien ). Each county covered an area of about several hundred square miles and consisted of several hundred thousand people. Because the district magistrate was by law a stranger in the county he ruled, he knew little about the local conditions of the county he ruled. He governed with the help of two social groups: i. local junior office runners or clerks, who practiced serious corruption and were socially looked down upon, and ii. local Confucian scholar-gentry.
SOCIETY
A. Scholar-gentry (shen-shih)
All government officials were selected by the Civil Service Examinations held regularly by the government in the provinces or at the capital. If successful, the candidates would be given academic degrees (such as hsiu-ts'ai, chu-jen , and chin-shih ) These degree-holders would then enjoy special privileges of dress, law and social position. They would become the scholar-gentry. As no more than 5% of them could become officials, the majority of the scholar-gentry stayed in local villages or cities as social leaders. The scholar-gentry carried out social welfare measures, taught in private schools, helped decide minor legal disputes, supervised community projects, maintained local law and order, conducted Confucian ceremonies, assisted in the government's collection of taxes, and preached Confucian moral teachings. As a class, these scholars represented morality and virtue. Although they received no official salary and were not government officials, their contributions and cooperation were much needed by the district magistrate in governing local areas. The relations between this scholar-gentry class and the imperial dynasty were two way:
i. The scholar-gentry depended on the dynasty for academic degrees and official recognition as social leaders.
ii The dynasty in return depended on the scholar-gentry for : a. running local affairs and informal administration, b. Confucian recognition of the ruling dynasty as a lawful one in Chinese history.
B. Peasants
The majority of the population were peasants. By the end of the 19th century, the number approached 300 million. Most of the peasants did not know how to read and write. They stayed in their villages and seldom went to other places. They looked to the scholar-gentry for social leadership and were usually obedient and passive. But when life became too difficult, the peasants might become rebels, challenging the dynasty and causing social troubles.
C. Handicraft workers
There were few handicraft workers, as industry was scarce in Qing China. Peasants took up much of handicraft manufacturing as a part-time job. As a social class, the workers were not united.
D. Merchants
They were socially looked down upon. But they were wealthy. Most of them lived in towns and cities, and maintained good relations with government officials through gifts or outright corruption. Business was done under official supervision and permission. Consequently, unlike the European middle-class, Chinese merchants failed to form an independent power against the old ruling class.
CULTURE
A. Confucian culture
The re-interpreted learnings and ideas of Confucius were taught in school and examined in official civil service examinations. Loyalty to the dynasty, obedience to the father, filial piety, humanity, morality and harmony were emphasized. The dynasty promoted Confucian learning to make itself lawful in Chinese history, while the scholar-gentry depended on Confucian teachings for a high social position. In short, Confucian culture provided the common ground for the scholar-gentry and the dynasty. In trying to win approval from Chinese scholars and make the Qing dynasty lawful, the Manzhus (who ruled China from 1644 to 1912) actively sponsored and promoted Confucian culture.
B. Popular cultures
Confucian culture was only limited to Confucian scholars and officials. The large majority of peasants believed in native gods, native religions (like Taoism), superstitions and geomancy (feng-shui). Local customs and manners were practiced. ii. Since government control in local areas was limited, anti-dynastic secret societies developed at the lowest level of society. During the Qing period, these secret societies kept the anti-Manzhu tradition. In society, they committed and protected crimes. When the dynasty was strong and efficient, the secret societies were generally silent or underground. When the dynasty was weak and on the decline, they became active. Starting from the early 19th century, they organized rebellions against the dynasty. [Go Top]
The Hundred Day Reform, 1898 百日維新
A. The advocacy of institutional reform by progressive officials
During the Self-Strengthening period (1862-1894), China developed Western techniques and military technologies. Yet several more progressive officials like Feng Kuei-fen () already argued that for real self-strengthening, China should develop basic Western institutions (like government organization and education) that gave rise to those techniques and military technologies. Such an advocacy formed an underlying cause for the 1898 reform.
B. The reform-minded scholars' recognition of the inadequacy of the Self-Strengthening Movement (1860-1894)
Ever since 1885, when Qing China was defeated by France in Indo-China, more and more scholar-officials knew the Self-Strengthening Movement was inadequate to save China. Institutional reform was really necessary. Although officials like Chang Chih-tung (a governor-general) and Weng T'ung-ho (an imperial teacher) were Confucian conservatives, they nevertheless advocated a limited administrative reorganization based on Western methods to supplement the traditional, basic Chinese political structure. Weng himself had advocated war against Japan in 1894. But with China's defeat, he realized that changes more fundamental than those of the Self-Strengthening period were necessary.
C. The introduction of Western ideas of reform
i. By foreign missionaries - Besides preaching their religion, foreign missionaries, especially the British and American Protestants, introduced Western knowledge and culture to China.
a. They established schools, gave public lectures, opened libraries, and published newspapers and magazines. In particular, missionary schools educated many of the late Qing's reform-minded intellectuals. By 1889, some 16,000 Chinese had studied in such schools.
b. Through discussions, foreign missionaries convinced quite a number of Chinese scholars and officials of the need for reform. Indeed, K'ang Yu-wei, the most important reformer in the 1898 Reform, admitted that many of his ideas on reform came from missionaries.
ii. Through treaty ports - Western social and political ideas were most easily learnt by the Chinese who lived in treaty ports and cities.
a. In treaty ports, a new Chinese intellectual class began to appear. In the International Settlement of Shanghai, for example, where foreigners enjoyed self-rule free from the Qing government's control, these Chinese intellectuals had the opportunity of observing Western institutions firsthand and the freedom to learn foreign things. They convinced other Chinese scholars outside the treaty ports of the need for institutional reform.
b. Owing to the increased penetration of European goods and ideas' South China was more progressive than the north. It was hardly an accident that K'ang Yu-wei's native place was in Kwangtung.
D. The rise of a generation of politically conscious and more progressive-minded young scholars
i. Translations of Western books on a variety of subjects were abundant in late 19th-century China. They were read by many young Chinese scholars, who therefore became increasingly reform-minded.
ii. The improved communications between different places helped in the growth and spread of national consciousness among Chinese scholars.
iii. To a certain extent, educational reforms before 1894 made it possible for Chinese students to receive a Western-style education.
iv. Traditionally speaking, the scholar class in China had the responsibility of saving the country in time of crisis. With the repeated national humiliations that China suffered after 1840, the young scholars became especially sensitive to national problems and were ready to defend their country. By the late 1880s, this generation of progressively minded young scholars had already become a considerable political force. [Go Top]
E. The effects of the Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895)
China's quick defeat in the Sino-Japanese War further convinced many Chinese scholar-officials that more fundamental reform was both urgent and necessary. The humiliating treaty of Shimonoseki in 1895 aroused much public anger in China. Some 600 young students from all over China signed a 'Ten Thousand Words Memorial' that rejected the Shimonoseki agreement and advocated institutional reform. The leader was K'ang Yu-wei (Kang Youwei). Despite the official and traditional prohibition against any political grouping, young scholars began to form associations known as hsueh-hui (study societies) to save the country. After 1895, many patriotic societies of this kind appeared. Their local branches spread over the provinces. These societies had four aims:
i. To urge the Qing government to reform its institutions.
ii. To carry out reform activities in the provinces.
iii. To popularize Western ideas by translating more Western and Japanese books and publishing newspapers to advocate such ideas.
iv. To fight against Christianity by changing Confucianism into a state religion. Social programs were to be worked out to compete with the social welfare measures of Christianity in China. Many of these societies had the support of influential officials like Yuan Shih-k'ai and Chang Chih-tung. The younger and idealistic scholars like K'ang Yu-wei, however, were dissatisfied with the limited and moderate reforms carried out by Yuan and Chang in the provinces. These idealistic scholars favoured broader and deeper institutional changes initiated from Peking.
F. The effects of the Scramble for Concessions (1895-1899)
Foreign imperialism was intensified in the Scramble for Concessions. It further showed the necessity and urgency of institutional reform. By 1898, Germany had seized Kiaochow from China, and other powers were fighting for their own spheres of influence. K'ang Yu-wei repeatedly wrote memorials to the Qing court to advocate institutional reform. Many such reform proposals were circulated in Peking among the young scholars.
Figure: Another concession to the foreigners - New Territories (Hong Kong) 
G. The political struggle within the Qing court
Meanwhile, a political struggle took place between the Kuang-hsu (Guangxu) Emperor and his aunt, the Empress Dowager Tz'u-hsi (Cixi), within the Qing court. Although Kuang-hsu was the Emperor, real power was held by Tz'u-hsi. A 'northern' group of conservatives like Hsu T'ung supported the Empress, while a 'southern' group led by Weng T'ung-ho supported the Emperor. Although both agreed on the need for reform, the two groups struggled for the leadership. The Northern Party attempted to bring Chang Chih-tung to Peking to lead the movement. This led the Southern Party to call in many reform-minded young scholars, including K'ang Yu-wei, to support itself. There were the following reasons:
i. Since K'ang Yu-wei advocated political centralization, reforms undertaken by him would strengthen the Emperor's power and weaken the Empress Dowager's influence.
ii. Young scholars would not readily challenge the leadership of the more senior officials in the Southern Party.
iii. Weng T'ung-ho was himself attracted by K'ang Youwei's progressive reform proposals.
iv. Members of the Southern Party like Weng T'ung-ho knew little about Western ideas and institutions.
Consequently, Weng T'ung-ho introduced K'ang to the Emperor Kuang-hsu. The Emperor began reading Feng Kuei-fen's ideas of institutional reform and Western translations as early as the late 1880s. The Emperor was deeply impressed by K'ang's reform ideas and was more and more determined to put into effect institutional changes. Dissatisfied with the Empress Dowager's continued domination over the Qing court, Kuang-hsu intended to make use of a reform movement led by himself to regain power, though on the other hand he really wanted to save China. On June 11, 1898, he issued the first reform decree, telling the people to learn foreign knowledge. The Hundred Day Reform had begun. [Go Top]
Figure: Kang the reformer 
MOTIVES, CONTENTS AND RESULTS OF REFORM
A. Motives
i. The Emperor and the young reformers like K'ang Yu-wei believed that institutional reform and more fundamental changes would strengthen China's defence against Western imperialism. Institutional reform was of two kinds:
a. A new educational structure would replace the old, traditional one, so that the people would become modern citizens of a modern nation like Meiji Japan.
b. The political system would be re-organized to achieve a greater degree of efficiency. K'ang Yu-wei, however, expected more changes. He intended to establish a constitutional and parliamentary government for China. All other reform measures, to K'ang, were secondary to political modernization.
ii. To old scholar-officials like Weng T'ung-ho, the reform movement was also part of the struggle for power within the Qing court.
iii. Although most of the young scholar-reformers advocated reform out of patriotic reasons, it could not be denied that the reform movement was an opportunity for these young men to advance to positions of power in the government. [Go Top]
B. Contents
From June to September 1898, K'ang Yu-wei and his young followers prepared many edicts and decrees for the Emperor to sign. Some 200 or so reform decrees were issued in quick succession. A broad program for 'reform of institutions' was attempted. The reform measures included the following:
i. Education
a. Abolition of the 'Eight-legged essay' in the Civil Service Examinations. (The Eight legged essay required the students to have a good memory and frequent practice. Creativity and a knowledge of current social and political problems were not necessary.) Introduction of a new syllabus based on current political and economic problems.
b. Abolition of swordsmanship and marksmanship in the military examinations. Introduction of a new syllabus based on a knowledge of modern military tactics.
c. Opening of a special examination on political economy.
d. Establishment of an Imperial University in Peking. Founding of a medical school under it.
e. Establishment of primary and secondary schools in the provinces for the study of both Chinese and Western subjects. Change of traditional private schools into modern government schools. Change of Buddhist temples into public schools. f. Publication of an official newspaper.
ii. Government administration
a. Abolition of sinecure posts (jobs with a salary but involving no work) and unnecessary offices, including the governorships of a few provinces.
b. Appointment of progressive-minded officials in government.
c. Introduction of stricter disciplines for civil servants. Measures to check corruption.
d. Improvement in administrative efficiency by removing delays and by developing a new, simplified administrative procedure. Creation of 12 new Ministries to replace the old 6 Boards (traditionally responsible for top government administration in Peking).
e. Encouragement of reform suggestions from private citizens.
iii. Military reform
a. Reorganization and modernization of the army.
b. Founding of militia forces (part-time soldiers for local self-defence).
iv. Economic reform
a. Promotion of railway construction.
b. Promotion of agricultural, industrial and commercial developments. Founding of banks.
c. Encouragement of inventions. d Preparation of a government budget.
v. Others
a. Visits to foreign countries by high officials.
b. Improvement and simplification of law codes.
C. Results
The reform movement only lasted for 103 days.
i. Most of the reform decrees were not carried out. Only in the province of Hunan, where there was a governor sympathetic to the reform, was a serious attempt made to put into effect the Emperor's decrees. In the rest of the empire, reform measures met with either passive non-cooperation or outright resistance. Some officials were willing but had not the ability to carry out the reform. Many officials did not even understand the reform measures.
ii. At first, the Empress Dowager and other high officials like Chang Chih-tung and Weng T'ung-ho were not opposed to the idea of reform. But as conservatives, they disliked the radical changes proposed by K'ang and the Emperor. Opposition to the reform grew.
iii. Many top conservative officials, eunuchs and Manzhus begged the Empress Dowager to take over power and rule herself so as to stop the reform movement.
iv. The young reformers feared that the Empress Dowager would sooner or later interfere and depose the Emperor. They therefore planned to carry out a palace revolt by capturing the Empress. They asked Yuan Shih-k'ai to support them with troops. However, Yuan betrayed the Emperor and the reformers by telling the Empress Dowager everything about the intended revolt.
v. The Empress Dowager immediately imprisoned the Emperor, took over the government, and gave orders to arrest the reformers, six of whom were captured and killed. K'ang Yu-wei and Liang Ch'i-ch'ao (Liang Qichao) were, however, warned in time to escape abroad. Most of the reform measures were cancelled:
a. The Eight-legged essay and the abolished governorships were restored.
b. Study societies (hsueh-hui) were prohibited. The government press was closed.
c. The people were forbidden to make suggestions to the government. , However, the Peking Imperial University and some of the provincial schools that had been established were allowed to remain. Some unnecessary offices were really abolished. The Empress Dowager opposed only the radical methods and nature of reform by men like K'ang Yu-wei, not the idea of reform itself. [Go Top]
Figure: Empress Dowager who stopped the reform
REASONS FOR THE FAILURE OF THE HUNDRED DAY REFORM:
A. Reform on paper
Many of the reform measures were not put into practice.
B. Opposition to the reform
The reforms attacked both Chinese tradition and the self-interests of many people.
i. Conservatives felt that the political tradition of the dynasty had been violated by the reforms. They felt that K'ang and his followers intended to destroy Chinese culture.
ii. The Empress Dowager and her followers believed that the reform was just an excuse used by the Emperor and K'ang Yu-wei to struggle for political power.
iii. The abolition of the Eight-legged essay, together with changes in the educational system, ruined the future of students who had been preparing for the traditional government examinations.
iv. The abolition of sinecure posts and governorships ruined the future of many officials. The appointment of young, new and progressive minded scholars to the government endangered the political career of many existing officials. When promotion was not based on seniority but on real ability; the old and inefficient officials felt that their career prospect would be endangered. Even Li Hung-chang lost some important power because of the administrative changes.
v. Many Manzhus believed that the new reform measures were especially directed against them, because:
a. quite a number of conservative Manchu officials had been dismissed from the Central government;
b. all the young reformers were Chinese;
c. K'ang Yu-wei came from South China,where there was a strong anti-Manchu tradition.
Besides, the Manzhus were jealous of the Chinese reformers, who were trusted by the Emperor.
vi. Changes in the military forces threatened the privileges and livelihood of the Manchu bannermen and the Chinese Green Standard Army (traditional Qing armies).
vii. The attack on corruption was unwelcome by those officials who got rich by this unlawful practice.
viii. Palace eunuchs who were favoured by Tz'u-hsi feared that administrative reforms would reveal their practice of corruption.
ix. The change of Buddhist temples into public schools angered the Buddhist monks and priests.
C. The lack of effective political power
Without strong political power, no reform could be effectively carried out.
i. The Empress Dowager's powerful influence at the Qing court
Although the Empress nominally retired in 1889, she was still in firm control of the Qing court. Her followers controlled top government departments and the imperial armies. Her eunuchs watched every move of the Emperor.
ii. Regional decentralization
Ever since the Taiping Rebellion (1851-1864), the dynasty's political power had been decentralized. Peking's control over the provinces was getting weak and was on the decline. As a result, the Central government's reform decrees did not receive much attention in the provinces.
iii. Weaknesses of the Study Societies
The Study Societies formed between 1895 and 1898 depended heavily upon official support for their existence. When these societies became too radical, such official support was withdrawn and they quickly fell apart. The young reformers at the Qing court had therefore lost a social power base for support in 1898. They had to depend on Yuan Shih-k'ai's military strength to act against the Empress Dowager. As it happened, Yuan betrayed them.
D. The inexperience of the reformers
i. Both K'ang Yu-wei and Liang Ch'i-ch'ao had no previous experience in administration. Their knowledge of Western institutions was, moreover, limited.
ii. In carrying out reforms, they were not tactful enough. In three months' time, they aimed at doing away with all of China's problems at one blow. It was an attempt at achieving too much in too short a period of time.
iii. Both the Emperor and the reformers offered poor leadership for the reform movement. They failed to obtain support and cooperation from the conservative officials.
E. The lack of popular support from the common people
Reformers like K'ang Yu-wei came from the scholar class. They had little contact with and enjoyed no support of the common people.
F. K'ang Yu-wei's radical ideas
To Confucian conservatives, K'ang was a traitor to Confucianism. Many moderate reformers like Chang Chih-tung were frightened off by K'ang's radical explanations of the Chinese Classics and radical reform programs.
G. Conclusion
Many of the reform measures were not actually practiced. But one could doubt whether they would succeed even if they were really put into practice. The Hundred Day Reform was a sharp break with the gradual changes of the Self-Strengthening Movement. The reform movement lacked effective power and experienced leadership. It invited all kinds of opposition.
EFFECTS OF THE HUNDRED DAY REFORM
A. The re-establishment of conservative power
The failure of the progressive reform attempt in 1898 led to a re-establishment of conservative influence. The Empress Dowager came back with full power to the Qing court and re-appointed die-hard conservative Manzhus to top official positions. The introduction of an anti-Chinese policy began, which furthered the growth of anti-Manchu feelings among the Chinese. This indirectly led to the 1911 Revolution.
B. The growth of an anti-foreign attitude at the Qing court
In 1898, as the Empress Dowager tried to arrest the reformers, K'ang Yu-wei and Liang Ch'i-ch'ao were helped to escape from China by the British and the Japanese respectively. In addition, foreign ministers in Peking prevented the Empress from dethroning Kuang-hsu and choosing a new Emperor immediately after 1898. Consequently, anti-foreign feelings were strong at the Qing court. This factor partly led to the Boxer Uprising in 1900-01.
C. The disappointment with reform as a way to save China
The failure of the Hundred Day Reform seemed to prove that reform from the top was useless. More and more Chinese came to believe that in order to save China, the Manchu dynasty (which opposed change) must be over thrown, and revolution from the bottom must be carried out. This contributed to the growth of Sun Yat-sen's (Sun Yixian) revolutionary movement.
D. The way for continued reform efforts
i. Although the Empress Dowager was opposed to the Hundred Day Reform, the reform measures that were introduced had an unforgettable impression on her. After the Boxer Uprising of 1900-01, the Empress announced an official reform movement on her own. Reform measures similar to the 1898 ones were carried out between 1901 and 1911. In short, the Hundred Day Reform quickened the Empress Dowager's decision in favour of institutional reform.
ii. Some of the 1898 reforms were allowed to continue. They paved the way for the Late Qing Reform (1901-1911). iii. The movement for constitutional government continued.
a. After the 1898 failure, K'ang Yu-wei formed an important political group in Japan to advocate constitutional rule. Liang, on the other hand, began to become an influential political writer.
b. Although the idea of constitutional rule was not actually put into practice in 1898, it was at least introduced to China. This made it easier for the adoption of constitutional government in the Late Qing Reform (1901-1911).
c. The advocacy of constitutional government brought with it ideas of people's rights which indirectly helped the revolutionary movement.
E. The beginning of mass political movements in China
The establishment of Study Societies from 1895 to 1898 marked the beginning of Modern China's mass political movements. Whereas scholars in the past had been traditionally unwilling to form political associations and had kept themselves from being involved in political matters, they voluntarily joined societies of a political nature after 1895. The scholar class was increasingly active in politics, a trend that continued from 1901 onwards. This made it easier for the creation of local political assemblies in the constitutional program of the Late Qing Reform (1901-1911).
F. The birth of modern Chinese nationalism
The enthusiastic organization of nation-saving groups like the Study Societies represented the beginning of Chinese nationalism among the young Confucian scholars. Nationalistic consciousness among them grew. In addition, high Qing officials began to use a new, nationalistic policy in foreign matters. They were conscious of China's national rights in dealing with foreign powers. Concessions made to foreign powers were held to the minimum. [Go Top]
@Philip YL Woo, 1980. Adapted by TK Chung