The main weaknesses of party government in Japan.
Party government - the term “party government” needs explanation.
In the Meiji era, executive power was held by the oligarchs. Prime Ministers
and cabinet members were chosen not from the parties that controlled the Diet
but from members of the oligarchy. Thus, Ito, Yamagata, and Matsukata were
Prime Ministers for the years between 1885 and 1900. In the next twelve years,
1901.12, Katsura and Saionji, proteges of Yamagata and Ito respectively, shared
the premiership. Their governments were responsible to the emperor, not to
the Diet.
It was not until 1918 that Hara Kei of Seiyukai was appointed to form a party
government in the sense that most of the cabinet ministers were members of
Seiyukai which had control of the Diet. Thereby, some sort of responsible government
was established.
In 1924, Kato Komei of Kenseikai won the elections to the Diet, and he was
appointed to form a government. Kato’s government, with its various achievements,
marked the highest point of party politics in Japan.
Nevertheless, party governments exhibited several weaknesses which contributed
to its decline and replacement by militarism in the early 1930s.
Disunity within parties - the first was disunity. The parties
had their origins in protest against Meiji oligarchy. So they found that only
to oppose the government
was much easier than to put forward a programme of their own. Co-operative
and positive measures were hard to find.
Also, the Diet’s ability to obstruct official policy was a weapon, but
it was a negative one. Thus, the usual method was to blackmail the government
for concessions without actually gaining control.
Moreover, the parties did not greatly differ from each other on matters of
policy. Again and again factions shifted from parties to parties, from opposing
the government to supporting the government. That was because of the influence
of ambition and self-interest.
For party politicians, bargains had to be made with powerful interests outside
the Diet (such as the Genro, Privy Council, zaibatsu). They were more concerned
with vote-winning and fund-raising than with party organization. This being
so, party loyalty was seldom found. Ordinary members of the parties, knowing
that all major decisions were made behind the scene, not by the Diet, gradually
lost faith in their organization. Finally, mutual accusation of the parties
against each other only served to discredit their image in the eyes of the
Japanese. Even between 1918 and 1932, when party influence was strongest, there
was less change in these habits. Taking advantage of these ills, the militarists
easily rose to power.
Corruption - the two major parties in Japan were linked up with the zaibatsu
- Seiyukai with Mitsui, and Kenseikai (Minseito) with Mitsubishi.. This alliance
gave rise to much corruption. Instead of using the parties to breed democracy
and to gain mass support, party leaders used it as tools to further individual
interests. Scandals and pro-zaibatsu policies of the party governments greatly
discredited them in Japanese minds.
For instance, under Hara in 1921, the South Manchurian Railway Company contributed
illegally to Seiyukai funds. Later Kato’s Kenseikai was financed by Mitsubishi.
General Tanaka of Seiyukai was accused of taking bribes for offering official
positions, selling peerages, and deciding on army contracts.
The link with zaibatsu was a fatal thing to the parties. Firstly, business
backing was not stable .because zaibatsu would support the parties only if
self-interest was involved. Otherwise, they would dispense with the parties.
Secondly, the Japanese people despised the parties for its corruption and unruliness.
No mass support - if the parties could not rely on business,
they failed equally to build up any mass support.
This was partly due to their factionalism, disunity and corruption. Furthermore,
party leaders failed to cultivate the roots of liberalism and democracy. Most
of them were of samurai descent; none was a member of the urban middle class.
Most important of all, Japanese peasants were discontented with party governments
for they felt that it was biased in favour of landlords and businessmen. They
paid taxes that were proportionately much higher than the capitalists. Furthermore,
there was a general economic decline among the rural population in the 1920s.
This resulted in greater landlordism. The sufferings of peasants had strong
echoes among the junior military officers, many of whom were the sons of discontented
peasants. In return, the peasants gave the militarists blind support to overthrow
party rule and to establish a military dictatorship.
Economic failures - by the late 1920s, party governments failed to cope with
those serious economic crises that shattered Japan’s economy. The 1927
Bank Crisis led to the collapse of many small enterprises to the benefits of
the zaibatsu. The government failed to do anything to solve the crisis. This
increased discontents among the “little men” who identified the
parties with big businesses.
The death blow came with the 1929 Great Depression. This on the one hand posed
economic problems that the party governments could not solve. In the face of
a 50% drop in export trade and 3 million unemployed, the governments were helpless.
On the other hand, it strengthened the militarists’ agitations for overseas
expansion to save Japan’s economy. In despair, the Japanese people were
easily moved.
Conclusion - under such circumstances, the parties were doomed to fail. The independent action of the Kwangtung Army in September 1931 (Manchurian Incident) was the first signal for the demise of party rule. The 1932 “May 15 Incident” was the death blow to party government in Japan.